I’ve always been intrigued by the concept of different ways of analyzing power. Personally, I’ve always favoured the Marxist approach of analysis, as it makes sense, especially these days, to look at society as containing to vastly contrasting polarities. That’s is not saying that the Marxist mode of analysis is the same as communism itself, but that was be described by Marx as the most viable solution; being to disperse the tools of power and ownership.
There are three major sociological approaches to the study of power. These approaches consist of liberal political thought, Marxist political thought, and the postmodern approach of Foucault. Foucault’s theories are unique and complex, and differ greatly from the liberal political and Marxist theories.
Foucault has a distinct approach to governmentality than that of liberal political thought and Marxist political thought. According to Foucault, governmentality entails a view that power is exercised in a deliberate process. Governmentality employs a multitude of procedures that attempts to deliberately produce citizens that support and integrate the desired policies and actions of the government (Brock, 2003, p.34). Foucault described governmentality as the “art of government” (Dean, 1999, p. 93), employing techniques and strategies that renders society open to governance. His postmodern approach is unique in the sense that he rejects all universal theories, such as Karl Marx’s Conflict Theory. He argues against these master theories that claim that there is a reality that can be discovered through a series of scientific practices and sufficient data gathering (Brock, 1999, p.34), a theory of the common human nature and understanding of human behaviour.
In modern liberal political thought, governance is structured so all the citizens within the country have the right to participate in politics, and more central, a right to accumulate as much property as possible, within the extent of their abilities. This is a paradox in regards to the way power becomes distributed. People who manage to acquire wealth, social status, and authority gain power. Monopolies can also be formed, and all-together it is a system that encourages competition, and those who end up victorious in such a competition gains social and political power, whilst everyone’s ability to accumulate property and wealth becomes severely restricted. As Deborah Brock (2003) states in “Making Normal” this implies; “equal opportunity for uneven rewards” (ibid, p. 30). Foucault’s theory is different as he does not see power as something that can be possessed, through either wealth accumulation or social status. He saw power as all-encompassing, and it came out from everywhere in society, not from wealth accumulation, like the liberal political thought claims, or through social control by the ruling class, as Marx claimed.
In liberal political thought, it is believed that the people make their own norms and rules through a participatory democracy (ibid, p. 30). By Marxist theory, norms and rules was something ruled by the elite groups within society, as they had the monopoly on the social control. In contrast, Foucault believed that this process of Normalization(ibid, p. 38), which allowed for an establishment of moral standards, but he saw normalization as mainly happening through discourse. happened through both discourse and social practices, and was much more fluent. He did recognize the power of law
It also differs from Marx’s belief in materialism, which claims that the material, mainly pertaining to the economy, are the main forces that drive social change and employs social understanding (ibid, p. 32). He considers the dominant forces in society as those who control the land, labour and capital. In this sense Foucault argued, in contrast to Marx, that power did not just come from those who controlled the materials, but it came from all around society, and while dominant institutions and controlling elites were a part of it, it also came from everywhere else, through discourse. Power in Foucault’s view was therefore relational, not static, like Marx saw it. Another trait of Marxist political thought was that capitalism was simply a replacement of the older feudalist system. Marx said in his famous “Communist Manifesto” that “The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has established but new classes, new conditions of oppression, and new forms of struggle in place of the old ones” (Marx, 1948, p. 9). Foucault did not find power to be equally linear, as he saw it as both fragmented and discontinuous, and not necessarily evil.
Foucault’s found that power and knowledge was connected in a cycle. In other words, he argued that power produces knowledge, and knowledge produces power (Brock, 2003, p. 24). He saw that the exercise of power made new objects of knowledge emerge and through its emergence it had to be defined and discussed in relation to its situation. In this sense the exercise of power generates effects that need to be addressed through knowledge. This cycle of power-knowledge occurs through discourse and interaction.
Biopower was something that Foucault identified as a technology used to create a self regulating population. This would occur through the use of disciplinary power and overt control over the actual physical body. He considered it to be a political technology that focuses heavily on the protection of physical life. While this might imply a politic of directed injustice towards those who society deem as a threat, this technology manifests itself through a variety of areas, such as customs, health, family, and social customs. Foucault draws here a positive image of government, whereas Marx would emphasize on the conflict of interest of the governing body investing in protecting the physical body of the general population.
According to the article “Making Normal” Heterosexuality is considered to have a discourse that implies that its opposite, homosexuality, is a “problem” (ibid, p.27), while heterosexuality on the other hand, is simply taken as a normal, or neutral, stance that is not offensive or questioned in any way. The lack of investigation into heterosexuality is because of the dominant discourse that deems it the norm. An example of the social production of this view is the dated focus on the ability to sexually reproduce is used as rationality to make heterosexual considered “normal” and “moral”, while creating a negative and problematic discourse for homosexuals (Brock, 2008), that can be considered “scientifically” justified. Foucault sees that popular discourse is produced through disciplinary power and social values, and as he sees that knowledge and power is a continuous cycle of each other, hence he cautions that while employment of power might appear to be neutral, they have the chance to be political (CITE). The article “The Language of Sex: The Heterosexual Questionnaire” poses an excellent dilemma, whereas if heterosexual individuals would be the subject of scrutiny to the same extent as homosexuals, then that would be considered offsetting and abnormal (Rochlin, 1995, p.105), simply because of the way that we have socially constructed our views on heterosexuality and homosexuality. In addition, if a majority of the population feels that heterosexuality is normal, and homosexuality is not, then a state of hegemony arises, and through a larger organization of consent, the supporters of the first predicate assume domination over the groups.
What was earlier considered the ultimate bastion of truth, Science, is the product of subjective discourse. Science generally occupies itself with the scientific facts about the world, generally concerning discovering the elements that make social life possible (Brock, 2008). However, through discourse, even science is subject to subjectivity in a power-knowledge context. Discourse can happen through language, which represent a certain system of thought and cultural accomplishments. For example, Foucault argues that science’s take on sexuality is actually a social and historical construction (Brock, 2003, p.37), instead of in nature. Scientists believed that sexuality could be explained through studying genetics and the natural drive. However, Foucault found a large array of sexualities being invented as “identities”, due to the eventual sexual categorization by the scientific community that initiated a cycle of power-knowledge. The social interpretation of sexualities within the 19th century scientific community must therefore be considered to consist of dominant discourses.
Foucault’s study of power encompasses a complex understanding of society, and does not rely on universalizing explanations in order to describe the factors that explain Foucault’s study of power. Foucault’s theories are layered, but are largely based on social interaction and discourse.